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  • Mary Jaeger, Livy's Written Rome. Ann Arbor: Michigan University, 1997: 30-35 [DG 241.J34 1997]
Jaeger, in chapter two, "The Battle of the Forum", discusses and "examines the relationship between an abstract plot, its setting, and its monuments, through a close reading of Livy's account of the battle over the Sabine women. (13). Jaeger concludes that Livy's "moral message lies less in the specific records it preserves that in the vantage point it creates for the reader"(33). In this case, the reader is basically watching the battle as it occurs. Livy wants to make sure that the reader can become aware of his "spatial structure of the narrative and the shape of the setting"(33). Cpao03 16:42, May 5, 2011 (UTC)
  • Daniel J. Kapust, Republicanism, Rhetoric, and Roman Political Thought: Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2011.
  • G.B. Miles, Livy: Reconstructing Early Rome. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1995 [D6207.L583 M5]
  • G.B. Miles, The cycle of Roman History in Livy's first pentad, AJPh 1986 CVII: 1-33 JSTOR
  • G.B. Miles discusses some of the flaws included in Livy’s text including false claims and missing data. More interestingly however, Miles gives in depth inferences as to the reasons this information may have been excluded or altered. He discusses Livy’s emphasis on the concept of metus hostilis (an inherent stability present during times of war due to unity among the people because of their common fear) in many sections of his work; however, Miles contests Livy’s neglect in rehashing the idea after the defeat of Veii. Miles frequently softens these criticisms through textual reasoning; in the case of the Veii conflict, he does this by acknowledging Livy’s passionate consideration for it as a fight for survival. Miles also accredits Livy’s neglect to a literary choice to maintain focus on the significant events that soon followed. He cites “…a voice, louder than that of a human, ordering him [Marcus Caedicius] to tell the magistrates that the Gauls were advancing” [Livy, 5.32] thusly inferring that Livy wanted to digress into the discussion of other pressing matters.16:50, May 3, 2011 (UTC) [macminnd]
  • Pomeroy, A. J. Livy's death notices. Greece & Rome v. 35 (October 1988) p. 172-83 JSTOR
  • F.W. Shipley, Certain Sources of Corruption in Latin Manuscripts, AJA 1903: 157-197
  • Certain Sources of Corruption in Latin Manuscripts is a detailed explanation of the potential lack of clarity within Livy’s text. This in depth guide to understanding common misplacements within Latin scripts, as well as an acknowledgment of such errors as conjectured due to poetic license to remove prepositions or time expressions. There is clarification that recurring letters were frequently considered as errors and therefore not recopied over time.(before you read into this, you should know it has little to do with Livy’s Histories)16:50, May 3, 2011 (UTC) [macminnd]
  • P.G. Walsh, Livy and Stoicism, AJPh 1958: 355-375
  • P.G. Walsh discusses the Livy’s potential association with the concept of stoicism. He cites claims by other writers, which declare that Livy was either simply commenting on the significance of Roman deities as they are accepted by the people or that he is a devout follower of these as real spiritual beings. With reference to Cicero’s philosophical work, Walsh pursues evidence of Livy’s stoic beliefs on the basis of his outright and impartial language. Walsh does this after acknowledging the definitive allusions to Livy’s Roman traditionalistic thought, which he demonstrates in the Ab Urbe Condita. That said, Walsh’s writing style is honest and objective as he seeks to find intimations rather than to discredit others’ work.16:50, May 3, 2011 (UTC) [macminnd]
  • P.G. Walsh, Livy: His Historical Aims and Methods. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1961.


  • Pomeroy, Arthur J. "Livy's Death Notices." Greece & Rome 35 (1988): 172-83. Print. [1]
  • This article describes how Livy handled notices of death in comparison to earlier historians. Livy, according to the author gave long detailed descriptions of the deceased's life where as historians like Thucydides and Sallust did not —Preceding unsigned comment added by Diestelt (talkcontribs)
  • R.M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy: Books 1-5. Oxford: Clarendon, 1965. [PA 6409.04]
  • T.J. Luce, Livy: The Composition of His History. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1977.
  • In his book T.J. Luce breaks down Livy's Ab Urbe Condita by book sections and analyzes various aspects of Livy's writing style and main points of his accounts. One such main point that comes up is the development of the Roman nation character. Luce believes that the Roman character national character, a person in history who can serve as a model for future Romans, is merely an ideal and that Livy's work describes Roman character by "answering what the Romans should be, not what they always are" (Luce 242). Some examples of this in Livy's own work can be seen when describing Timasitheus of Lipari as being "more Roman than his own people" (Romanis vir similor quam suis) [4.37.7] and when Fabian ambassadors cause a war by violating ius gentium, they behave "more like Gauls than Romans" (mitis legatio, ni praeferoces legatos Gallisque magis quam Romanis similes habuisset) [5.38.5]. Yet, even without possessing behavior worthy of being modeled, Luce writes that Livy believed that "the simple native values were inherently better than those of other peoples" (Luce 247). By citing many examples from Livy's work, Luce provides insightful ideas into the concept of the Roman national character. Zaidi2013 01:33, May 5, 2011 (UTC
  • Burrow, John, A History of Histories. Alfred A. Knopf 2007
  • Feldherr, Andrew, Spectacle and Society in Livy's History, California UP, 1998.
    • In this book Andrew Feldherr attempts to show the reader how Livy's narrative was written not so much as a history but as a text intent on addressing the current political and social state of Rome. The chapter I examined was titles Avarice, Vision and Restoration, found within the theme titled Vision and Authority in Livy's Narrative. This chapter addresses how Livy used his writing in an attempt to restore Rome to the virtues it once held. "Not only does Livy explicitly connect the viewing of his monument with his history's capacity to benefit the state, his particular diagnosis of the causes of the decline of res publica gives a special significance to the method he has chosen to "heal" it" (Feldherr 39). This line represents the theme of this chapter; attempting to show the reader the way that Livy's history is intended to restore Rome. Farrellh
  • Vasaly, Ann, "Personality and Power: Livy's Depiction of the Appii Claudii in the First Pentad," Transactions of the American Philological Association (Vol 117), pp. 203-226 JSTOR Pearlmanspencer 22:49, May 9, 2011 (UTC)
  • Robins, Mary Ann, "Livy's Brutus," Studies in Philology (Vol 69, Number 1), pp. 1-20 JSTOR Pearlmanspencer 00:28, May 10, 2011 (UTC)
    • In this journal, Robbins takes a closer look at Brutus’ character in Livy’s Histories. She talks about how he went from an unknown bystander to the man who removed the monarchy from Rome. According to Robbins, Brutus’ rise to power came while “the attention of others is elsewhere” (Robbins, 7). However, rereading the scene of Lucretia’s rape (and the few prior that mention Brutus), us as readers are able to see that even though Brutus’ rise to power did come quickly, it was not unexpected. Livy explains that even though Brutus might act as a buffoon (Livy, 1.56), he was much smarter than he appeared and that he was going to have a bright future. “Lucius Junius Brutus, the son of the king’s sister Tarquinia, also went with them as their companion, a young man of a far different character from what he pretended to be” (Livy, 1.56). Livy gives the reader a hint to Brutus’ future in the same chapter when he says, “the great spirit that was to free the Roman people might lie low and bide its time.” Livy is clearly talking about Brutus saving the Roman people from the failing monarchy. Robbins’ also says that Brutus was able to manipulate the crowd’s feelings towards rebellion (Robbins, 8), showing his true genius. This is the first time she really talks about Brutus’ true personality even though the readers are able to see the signs of his true genius in book 1, chapter 56 when Brutus and the Tarquins went to Delphi to see who would have the most power. “Pretending to slip, he fell and touched the earth with his lips, evidently regarding her as the mother of all mortals” (Livy, 1.56).
  • J. Roger Dunkle, "The Rhetorical Tyrant in Roman Historiography: Sallust, Livy and Tacitus", The Classical World, Vol. 65 No. 1, 1971 (pg 12-20) JSTOR
    • In this article Dunkle argues that during the historical development of Rome rhetoric was established to describe tyrants and tyrannical behavior. Dunkle notices similar vocabulary used between Sallust, Tactitus and Livy when describing tyrants and their behaviors. This similar vocabulary can be found in both the historian’s narratives and the speeches that have been used. The words used by the historians are usually associated with aggression, violence, oppression and greed. Dunkle uses words such as “libido”, “avaritia”, “crudelitias” and “superbia” to describe the actions of these tyrants. In English, these words would translate to word such as greed, cruelty and arrogance. “Sextus is also painted in tyrannical colors. Livy combines the tyrannical vices of vis and libido in his description of Sextus' rape of Lucretia as a victory of lust by means of force” (Dunkle, 16). In this example, Dunkle uses “libido” to describe Sextus’ tyrannical behavior as justification for the rape of Lucria. An example of this use of vocabulary can be found in Livys’History of Rome, when describing Tarquinius Superbus, “Could anything be more arrogant than to make a mockery of the entire Latin race as he was doing?” (Livy 1.50) This word use of “arrogance” parallels Dunkle’s argument of the historians specific word choice when describing tyrants. Dunkle gives numerous examples from each of the three authors to justify his argument. Although each historian uses these such words in their own way, they are all used to describe tyrannical behavior.Stuarts 01:08, May 12, 2011 (UTC)

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